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Essay, Research Paper: Woodrow Wilson

Brief History of the Wilson Papers

❶American presidents are generally skilled politicians as well or they would never have achieved such high office in this first place, and this means that their rational calculations will always include public opinion, the needs of their electoral coalitions and the wishes of various interest…… [Read More]. During his initial run for office, Grant was a very popular man with the American public.

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WWI was also the first time that toxins such as mustard gas were used and this created panic and death in many different countries, significantly raising the death toll from the war and also making it more difficult for the country to stay organized and on-track when it came to supporting the troops that were fighting Marston, Italy was another of the allies that joined up to retaliate against Germany.

If it were not for the issue with the alkans, it is likely that WWI would have never taken place, but other countries objected so strongly to the way that Germany handled the problem that they felt they must become involved.

When Italy had finally been pushed far enough, it "decided to retaliate" and officially joined the war Marston, For Italy, going into the war meant protecting itself and its allies. It had generally enjoyed a good relationship…… [Read More]. IR Theory In international relations theory, realists generally follow the rational choice or national actor with the assumption that states and their leaders make policy on the basis of calculated self-interest.

They follow a utilitarian and pragmatic philosophy in which "decision makers set goals, evaluate their relative importance, calculate the costs and benefits of each possible course of action, then choose the one with the highest benefits and lowest costs" Goldstein and Pevehouse Individual leaders will have their unique personalities, experiences and psychological makeups, and some will be more averse to risk than others, but essentially they all follow a rational model of policymaking.

American presidents are generally skilled politicians as well or they would never have achieved such high office in this first place, and this means that their rational calculations will always include public opinion, the needs of their electoral coalitions and the wishes of various interest…… [Read More]. Peace Freedom is the Foundation of Peace. Without freedom, there is no peace. America, by nature, stands for freedom, and we must always remember, we benefit when it expands.

So we must stand by those nations moving toward freedom. We must stand up to those nations who deny freedom and threaten our neighbors or our vital interests. We must assert emphatically that the future will belong to the free. Today's world is different from the one we faced just several years ago. We are no longer divided into armed camps, locked in a careful balance of terror.

Yet, freedom still has enemies. Our present dangers are less concentrated and more varied. They come from rogue nations, from terrorism, from missiles that threaten our forces, our friends, our allies and our homeland. Since the signing of the Treaty of Ryswick between the kingdoms of Spain and France in , the island…… [Read More]. United States entry into world war.

Taking nations from more than half the globe as partakers and victims, the first war broke out, , and that is known as World War 1 or the First World War. Until the World War II broke out, it was widely known as the war which had broken out which had the capacity to put an end to all wars, and commonly it was known as The Great War.

In fact multiple factors produced the First World War. An International anarchy was seen all over Europe. On the eve of the World War I there were 25 sovereign states in Europe, each desiring to act on its own individual conscience. None of them was ready to submit to the interference or will of the other, as each of them held its pride high, thinking if they accepted the advice of any other state, their…… [Read More].

Presidential Character by James Barber. He seems to draw easy causal connections between policy and personality that deny the exterior circumstances of history. For example, he suggests that Hoover's rigid personality made him unable to accept changes in classical economic theory during the beginning of the Great Depression, and to adopt a more Keynesian approach. Barber asserts that it was not the conventional wisdom of the time that hampered Hoover as much as his own character, despite the fact that few people really could assuredly state they had the 'answer' to the financial crisis at that time.

The adaptive-negative aspects of Johnson's personality made that president similarly resistant to the idea of pulling out of Vietnam, and his egoism made him unwilling to be seen as 'losing' the war -- but what about the pressures of the Cold War during that era? Historians also might find some objection to Barber's psychoanalyzing so many major presidential…… [Read More].

Causes of World War One. Wilson was one of the massive supporters of this League of Nations as he felt it would help in being responsible in preventing subsequent wars. One major aspect of the treaty of Paris in was that it contained the Treaty of Versailles, one which has a major goal of disciplining Germany and forcing a sense of punishment and finality of Germany. For instance, Germany lost many colonies and investments in lieu of this treaty and their ability to forge a military was crippled and limited to a fraction of its original size; the German air force was also similarly crippled.

These intense punishments were a major aspect of the treaty and were something that did cause a deadlock at certain points in the negotiating process MacMillan, What Led to World War 2. According to Woodrow Wilson, an agreement founded on his point plan was the most appropriate way of bringing peace to Europe. However, Georges Clemenceau wanted payback. He wanted an assurance that Germany would never attempt to begin another war. Lloyd George welcomed Wilson's idea, however, realized that the British public welcomed Clemenceau's idea.

Germany was anticipating an agreement founded on Wilson's 14 points, and was not pleased with the terms of the Treaty of Versailles. Nonetheless, they had no option but to sign the treaty. The League of Nations…… [Read More]. National Guard and the National.

Pershing had G-1 dealing with personnel; G-2 dealt with intelligence; G-3 deals with operations and training; G-4 was the supply division; and G-5 was focused on "strategic planning" Madloff, Meanwhile, the Congressional Digest the official federal publication that explains legislation in provided some basic details on the Act of Beyond what has already been described vis-a-vis the Act, the Congressional Digest explains that the Act fixed the number of members of the Army at 15, combat officers, , enlisted men, in addition to the number of officers 17, alluded to earlier in this paper.

There was also flexibility built into the military, in that the size of the army could "be varied depending on the changing importance of the branches in the scheme of defense" Congressional Digest, In conclusion, the Army National Guard has been very active in protecting Americans at home and abroad.

A Serbian nationalist called Gavrilo Princip murdered him as the heir apparent to the throne of Austria. However, other underlying factors that contributed to the rivalry between the Great Powers include the system of alliances, nationalism, domestic political factors, militarism, the Eastern question The Balkans , and the crises before The main powers of Europe before were: In nature, the alliances were defensive, and this implied that major political disputes inevitably would lead to large and not small conflicts.

Nationalism looked at eager people across the world who wanted to let the rest of the world know how strong and…… [Read More].

Business Ethics This Is a. Those discretionary areas include sales and negotiating. These are open to flexibility, argument, discussion -- all within boundaries. The boundaries that fence them in are the non-discretionary functions of the business, those areas where the lines must not be crossed. The non-discretionary areas have very firm guidelines, rules, and even laws and regulations that guide what can and cannot be done. There is no compromise in the non-discretionary areas. As an example, safety is non-discretionary.

Safety procedures must be enforced and employees have to follow them. There is no negotiation or flexibility. If the company does not establish proper safety standards but no one gets hurt, is it a violation of business…… [Read More].

United States Foreign Policy in. Instead of economic and military interventionism, the new American leadership proposed relations based on commerce and, more importantly, diplomacy. The United States would therefore keep interventionism at a minimum. Because it was based on a keen common sense and core values, FDR's vision came to be known as the "good neighbor" foreign policy. Together with his wife Eleanor, FDR drew up the blueprints for a system based on "common ideals and a community of interest, together with a spirit of cooperation.

This was a direct contrast to the paternalistic attitude that characterized interventionism. As a result of these non-interventionist policies, FDR was able to build much more goodwill. Reforms Who Were the Progressives and What.

How and why did the Progressive era end? Several different Progressives include: Their basic goals were to rectify many the social ills that were occurring from the rapid industrialization of the nation. This was creating a tremendous shift in the population, with more people leaving the country and moving to the cities.

As a result, there were a number of different problems that emerged in the wake of these transformations. The combination of these objectives was to give the people a voice in issues of government and society. This would limit the influence of the special interests during this process. May 4th Movement vs Modern Chinese History.

Movement All good things must come to an end, and at no time is this fact truer than in China in , when the Xinhai Revolution resulted in the fall of the Qing Dynasty. This led to a period of unrest, as the world's powers engaged in orld ar I. Even though China had participated in the war on the side of the Allies, China was betrayed during the negotiations at the Treaty of Versailles.

Instead of being given autonomy over a controlled sphere of interest in the Shandong district of China, the Treaty of Versailles instead gave this territory over to Japan. China's May 4th Movement ended up being an anti-est, anti-imperialist cultural shift that grew out of student demonstrations in The weak response of the Chinese government to reclaim the Shandong province for itself in self-defense led to accusations of corruption.

Fed Study in Economics the. Frankfurter landed on the Harvard law faculty, thanks to a financial contribution to Harvard by Felix Warburg and Paul Warburg The two principal Rothschild representatives in New York, J. Lies My Teacher Told Me. Presenting natives as a 'doomed' race is comforting: Casting Indian history as a tragedy because Native Americans could not or would not acculturate is feel-good history for whites.

By downplaying Indian wars, textbooks help us forget that we wrested the continent from Native Americans" Loewen More liberal textbooks portray native persons as victims, but often as hapless victims.

Such attempts at inclusivity smack of tokenism rather than a real, honest attempt to understand history. In fact, tokenism is also rife in addressing women's issues and issues of race: And history is always portrayed as getting progressively more liberal, rather than engaging in 'backsliding,' which certainly occurred during Reconstruction in regards to African-American rights.

The American military experience in World War I. University Press of Kentucky. The papers of Woodrow Wilson.

Works Cited Encyclopedia Britannica Online. An Online Reference Resource: Woodrow Wilson, a Portrait. Works Cited 'Neutrality in the Great War: Retrieved 21 July online from Neutrality in the Great War: War message to Congress. Woodrow Wilson, War Messages, 65th Cong. Retrieved 21 July Reproduced online at http: Retrieved 21 July online from http: Woodrow Wilson as President.

Row, Peterson and Company. Obama authorizes secret U. The American presidency, a concise political history of the United States in terms of our presidents and presidential elections. The American heritage history of World War I. Britain was infuriated and demanded that the United Nations and the International Court of Justice take action against Mossadegh.

When they overruled Britain's claim, Churchill supported both a military invasion of Persia and a covert operation to take out Mossadegh, both of which were discouraged by Truman, who was opposed to imperialism and supported nationalist leaders.

However, the Eisenhower administration supported the overthrow of Mossadegh when Montague Woodhouse, a MI6 agent working in the British embassy in Tehran, told the high ranking CIA officials that Iran could turn communist and chose to "emphasize the communist threat to Iran rather than the need to recover control of the oil industry," even though the threat of Iranian communism was very low.

A series of orchestrated anti-Mossadegh protests, bribing of Iranian clergy and parliament members, and economic problems caused by British blockades, mainly on oil exports caused a referendum which ousted prime minister Mohammed Mossadegh and made Shah Reza Pehlavi the highest ranking official of Iran. Not only did this action set a precedent for the United States, which began a witch hunt on pro-communist and anti-American leaders, but also had major blowbacks as Iran fell into chaos in the more well-known Iranian Revolution, removing Pehlavi and instituting a fundamentalist Islamic government and creating huge anti-American sentiment, which strains Iranian-American relations to this day.

As Truman predicted, the deposing of Mossadegh would be the first of many American orchestrated interventions, namely by the CIA.

But success of the Iranian operation was only the catalyst for the United States' next maneuver. The United States had announced in the Monroe Doctrine that the Americas were not open to European colonialism or exploitation, and by the 20th Century, European influence over the Americas had all.

Works Cited Auchincloss, Louis. Works Cited Bailey, Thomas, et al. A History of the World. Harcourt Brace Jovanovich Publishers. Davidson, James, et al. Retreived September 6, A Social and Political History. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Works Cited Ashby, R. Woodrow and Edith Wilson. Byron Preiss Visual Publications, Inc. Slavery by Another Name: Miller Center at the University of Virginia. Retrieved Oct 6, at http: Retrieved Oct 7, at http: Learn About the Vietnam War.

The American Way of War. Revolution, 25 April, , accessed 4 December ; available from Revolution. Bibliography Berstein, Serge, and Milza. Hatier, Brigham Young University Library. President Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points. The Founding of the United Nations. References America in the Great War. The Columbia Encyclopedia, Sixth Edition. Retrieved April 15, , from http: The American Review of Public Administration, 29 1 , Peter Drucker's Life and Legacy.

The repositioning of American public administration. Emerging issues in public administration. Public administration, 73 1 , Lindblom , Accessed on at http: Accessed on at http: Interconnectedness and Complexity View Full Essay. Revisiting an Old Question, Workshop theme: The Study of Administration, W. Works Cited Croly, Herbert. Works Cited Karp, Walter. The Politics of War: Franklin Square Press, The Guns of August.

CRS Report for Congress. The Guard Century Series: A Militia Nation Comes of Age. National Guard Association of the United States. Base Closure and Realignment: Federal Control over the National Guard. University of Cincinnati Law Review. When the Great War began, Wilson tried to put an end to it, but neither side budged. Even though it seemed the war would go on for a while, Wilson believed he could still end it and eventually all wars in general Brands By the time the U.

He created the 14 Points, which outlined the terms for the Treaty of Versailles, as well as the League of Nations which intended to reinforce peace in the world through diplomacy Brands On the home front, Wilson was also known as a Progressive because he changed the conditions in society at the time.

He passed laws which limited the age of workers to 16, and even helped farmers improve their farms in the Farm Loan Act Brands Overall, Wilson felt that it was his duty to better the world, from home to all the way overseas. Even though some believed that he was too idealistic and not realistic in terms of his views, he still did the world a lot of good.

Ending the Great War, creating the 14 Points, forming the League of Nations, being a Progressive, and fighting for world peace were the main contributions that Wilson made which we now look back upon as the reasons to why he is a significant figure in history. This is distinction of high authority; eminent German writers insist upon it as of course.

Bluntschli, for instance, bids us separate administration alike from politics and from law. Politics is thus the special province of the statesman, administration of the technical official.

But we do not require German authority for this position; this discrimination between administration and politics is now, happily, too obvious to need further discussion. There is another distinction which must be worked into all our conclusions, which, though but another side of that between administration and politics, is not quite so easy to keep sight of: I mean the distinction between constitutional and administrative questions, between those governmental adjustments which are essential to constitutional principle and those which are merely instrumental to the possibly changing purposes of a wisely adapting convenience.

One cannot easily make clear to every one just where administration resides in the various departments of any practicable government without entering upon particulars so numerous as to confuse and distinctions so minute as to distract.

Apparently facility in the actual exercise of liberty does depend more upon administrative arrangements than upon constitutional guarantees; although constitutional guarantees alone secure the existence of liberty.

But-upon second thought-is even so much as this true? Liberty no more consists in easy functional movement than intelligence consists in the ease and vigor with which the limbs of a strong man move. The principles that rule within the man, or the constitution, are the vital springs of liberty or servitude. Because independence and subjection are without chains, are lightened by every easy-working device of considerate, paternal government, they are not thereby transformed into liberty.

Liberty cannot live apart from constitutional principle; and no administration, however perfect and liberal its methods, can give men more than a poor counterfeit of liberty if it rest upon illiberal principles of government.

A clear view of the difference between the province of constitutional law and the province of administrative function ought to leave no room for misconception; and it is possible to name some roughly definite criteria upon which such a view can be built.

Public administration is detailed and systematic execution of public law. Every particular application of general law is an act of administration. The assessment and raising of taxes, for instance, the hanging of a criminal, the transportation and delivery of the mails, the equipment and recruiting of the army and navy, etc.

The broad plans of governmental action are not administrative; the detailed execution of such plans is administrative. Constitutions, therefore, properly concern themselves only with those instrumentalities of government which are to control general law. Our federal constitution observes this principle in saying nothing of even the greatest of the purely executive offices, and speaking only of that President of the Union who was to share the legislative and policy-making functions of government, only of those judges of highest jurisdiction who were to interpret and guard its principles, and not of those who were merely to give utterance to them.

This is not quite the distinction between Will and answering Deed, because the administrator should have and does have a will of his own in the choice of means for accomplishing his work. He is not and ought not to be a mere passive instrument. The distinction is between general plans and special means. There is, indeed, one point at which administrative studies trench on constitutional ground-or at least upon what seems constitutional ground.

The study of administration, philosophically viewed, is closely connected with the study of the proper distribution of constitutional authority. To be efficient it must discover the simplest arrangements by which responsibility can be unmistakably fixed upon officials; the best way of dividing authority without hampering it, and responsibility without obscuring it.

And this question of the distribution of authority, when taken into the sphere of the higher, the originating functions of government, is obviously a central constitutional question. If administrative study can discover the best principles upon which to base such distribution, it will have done constitutional study an invaluable service.

Montesquieu did not, I am convinced, say the last word on this head. To discover the best principle for the distribution of authority is of greater importance, possibly, under a democratic system, where officials serve many masters, than under others where they serve but a few. All sovereigns are suspicious of their servants, and the sovereign people is no exception to the rule; but how is its suspicion to be allayed by knowledge? If that suspicion could but be clarified into wise vigilance, it would be altogether salutary; if that vigilance could be aided by the unmistakable placing of responsibility, it would be altogether beneficent.

Suspicion in itself is never healthful either in the private or in the public mind. Trust is strength in all relations of life; and, as it is the office of the constitutional reformer to create conditions of trustfulness, so it is the office of the administrative organizer to fit administration with conditions of clear-cut responsibility which shall insure trustworthiness.

And let me say that large powers and unhampered discretion seem to me the indispensable conditions of responsibility. Public attention must be easily directed, in each case of good or bad administration, to just the man deserving of praise or blame. There is no danger in power, if only it be not irresponsible. If it be divided, dealt out in shares to many, it is obscured; and if it be obscured, it is made irresponsible.

But if it be centred in heads of the service and in heads of branches of the service, it is easily watched and brought to book. If to keep his office a man must achieve open and honest success, and if at the same time he feels himself intrusted with large freedom of discretion, the greater his power the less likely is he to abuse it, the more is he nerved and sobered and elevated by it.

The less his power, the more safely obscure and unnoticed does he feel his position to be, and the more readily does he relapse into remissness. Just here we manifestly emerge upon the field of that still larger question,-the proper relations between public opinion and administration.

To whom is official trustworthiness to be disclosed, and by whom is it to be rewarded? Is the official to look to the public for his meed of praise and his push of promotion, or only to his superior in office? Are the people to be called in to settle administrative discipline as they are called in to settle constitutional principles?

These questions evidently find their root in what is undoubtedly the fundamental problem of this whole study. What part shall public opinion take in the conduct of administration? But the method by which its authority shall be made to tell? Our peculiar American difficulty in organizing administration is not the danger of losing liberty, but the danger of not being able or willing to separate its essentials from its accidents. Our success is made doubtful by that besetting error of ours, the error of trying to do too much by vote.

The cook must be trusted with a large discretion as to the management of the fires and the ovens. In those countries in which public opinion has yet to be instructed in its privileges, yet to be accustomed to having its own way, this question as to the province of public opinion is much more ready soluble than in this country, where public opinion is wide awake and quite intent upon having its own way anyhow.

It may be sluggish, but it will not be meddlesome. It will submit to be instructed before it tries to instruct. Its political education will come before its political activity. In trying to instruct our own public opinion, we are dealing with a pupil apt to think itself quite sufficiently instructed beforehand.

The problem is to make public opinion efficient without suffering it to be meddlesome. Directly exercised, in the oversight of the daily details and in the choice of the daily means of government, public criticism is of course a clumsy nuisance, a rustic handling delicate machinery. But as superintending the greater forces of formative policy alike in politics and administration, public criticism is altogether safe and beneficent, altogether indispensable.

Let administrative study find the best means for giving public criticism this control and for shutting it out from all other interference. But is the whole duty of administrative study done when it has taught the people what sort of administration to desire and demand, and how to get what they demand?

Ought it not to go on to drill candidates for the public service? There is an admirable movement towards universal political education now afoot in this country. The time will soon come when no college of respectability can afford to do without a well-filled chair of political science.

But the education thus imparted will go but a certain length. It will multiply the number of intelligent critics of government, but it will create no competent body of administrators. It will prepare the way for the development of a sure-footed understanding of the general principles of government, but it will not necessarily foster skill in conducting government.

It is an education which will equip legislators, perhaps, but not executive officials. If we are to improve public opinion, which is the motive power of government, we must prepare better officials as the apparatus of government. If we are to put in new boilers and to mend the fires which drive our governmental machinery, we must not leave the old wheels and joints and valves and bands to creak and buzz and clatter on as best they may at bidding of the new force. We must put in new running parts wherever there is the least lack of strength or adjustment.

It will be necessary to organize democracy by sending up to the competitive examinations for the civil service men definitely prepared for standing liberal tests as to technical knowledge. A technically schooled civil service will presently have become indispensable. I know that a corps of civil servants prepared by a special schooling and drilled, after appointment, into a perfected organization, with appropriate hierarchy and characteristic discipline, seems to a great many very thoughtful persons to contain elements which might combine to make an offensive official class,- a distinct, semi-corporate body with sympathies divorced from those of a progressive, free-spirited people, and with hearts narrowed to the meanness of a bigoted officialism.

Certainly such a class would be altogether hateful and harmful in the United States. Any measure calculated to produce it would for us be measures of reaction and of folly. But to fear the creation of a domineering, illiberal officialism as a result of the studies I am here proposing is to miss altogether the principle upon which I wish most to insist.

That principle is, that administration in the United States must be at all points sensitive to public opinion. A body of thoroughly trained officials serving during good behavior we must have in any case: But the apprehension that such a body will be anything un-American clears away the moment it is asked, What is to constitute good behavior?

For that question obviously carries its own answer on its face. Steady, hearty allegiance to the policy of the government they serve will constitute good behavior. That policy will have no taint of officialism about it.

It will not be the creation of permanent officials, but of statesmen whose responsibility to public opinion will be direct and inevitable. Bureaucracy can exist only where the whole service of the state is removed from the common political life of the people, its chiefs as well as its rank and file. Its motives, its objects, its policy, its standards, must be bureaucratic.

It would be difficult to point out any examples of impudent exclusiveness and arbitrariness on the part of officials doing service under a chief of department who really served the people, as all our chiefs of departments must be made to do. It would be easy, on the other hand, to adduce other instances like that of the influence of Stein in Prussia, where the leadership of one statesman imbued with true public spirit transformed arrogant and perfunctory bureaux into public-spirited instruments of just government.

The ideal for us is a civil service cultured and self-sufficient enough to act with sense and vigor, and yet so intimately connected with the popular thought, by means of elections and constant public counsel, as to find arbitrariness of class spirit quite out of the question. Having thus viewed in some sort the subject-matter and the objects of this study of administration, what are we to conclude as to the methods best suited to it-the points of view most advantageous for it?

Government is so near us, so much a thing of our daily familiar handling, that we can with difficulty see the need of any philosophical study of it, or the exact point of such study, should be undertaken. We have been on our feet too long to study now the art of walking. We are a practical people, made so apt, so adept in self-government by centuries of experimental drill that we are scarcely any longer capable of perceiving the awkwardness of the particular system we may be using, just because it is so easy for us to use any system.

We do not study the art of governing: But mere unschooled genius for affairs will not save us from sad blunders in administration. Though democrats by long inheritance and repeated choice, we are still rather crude democrats. Old as democracy is, its organization on a basis of modern ideas and conditions is still an unaccomplished work.

The democratic state has yet to be equipped for carrying those enormous burdens of administration which the needs of this industrial and trading age are so fast accumulating. Without comparative studies in government we cannot rid ourselves of the misconception that administration stands upon an essentially different basis in a democratic state from that on which it stands in a non-democratic state.

After such study we could grant democracy the sufficient honor of ultimately determining by debate all essential questions affecting the public weal, of basing all structures of policy upon the major will; but we would have found but one rule of good administration for all governments alike. So far as administrative functions are concerned, all governments have a strong structural likeness; more than that, if they are to be uniformly useful and efficient, they must have a strong structural likeness.

A free man has the same bodily organs, the same executive parts, as the slave, however different may be his motives, his services, his energies. Monarchies and democracies, radically different as they are in other respects, have in reality much the same business to look to.

It is abundantly safe nowadays to insist upon this actual likeness of all governments, because these are days when abuses of power are easily exposed and arrested, in countries like our own, by a bold, alert, inquisitive, detective public thought and a sturdy popular self-dependence such as never existed before.

We are slow to appreciate this; but it is easy to appreciate it. Try to imagine personal government in the United States. It is like trying to imagine a national worship of Zeus. Our imaginations are too modern for the feat. But, besides being safe, it is necessary to see that for all governments alike the legitimate ends of administration are the same, in order not to be frightened at the idea of looking into foreign systems of administration for instruction and suggestion; in order to get rid of the apprehension that we might perchance blindly borrow something incompatible with our principles.

That man is blindly astray who denounces attempts to transplant foreign systems into this country. But why should we not use such parts of foreign contrivances as we want, if they be in any way serviceable? We are in no danger of using them in a foreign way. We borrowed rice, but we do not eat it with chopsticks.

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Essay on Woodrow Wilson Words | 6 Pages. Woodrow Wilson President Woodrow Wilson’s legacy of being a peace-keeping president has lasting impression on the United States. From his great intellect and progressive reform, to the tragedy of the Great War and his hope for peace, Wilson was a strong leader through it all.

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Woodrow Wilson Woodrow Wilson, 28th president of the United States (), secured a legislative program of progressive domestic reform, guided his country during WORLD WAR I, and sought a peace settlement based on high moral principles, to be guaranteed by the LEAGUE OF NATIONS. Born in Virginia in , Thomas Woodrow Wilson was the son of two middle-class parents, his father being a Presbyterian minister. Throughout his early years, Wilson found his niche in learning and made it his dream to attend college; he achieved that goal when he was accepted and attended Davidson College in (Brands 8)/5(1).

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Woodrow Wilson and American Diplomacy Essay history was that of Woodrow Wilson, the twenty-eighth President of the United States, who began spreading the principles of American diplomacy in the twentieth century. Unlike most editing & proofreading services, we edit for everything: grammar, spelling, punctuation, idea flow, sentence structure, & more. Get started now!